Why Young Pakistanis Are Leaving Farming

Introduction

Agriculture remains the backbone of Pakistan’s economy and society. It contributes around 23% of ‎GDP and employs about 37% of the labor force, while roughly 60–70% of the population ‎depends on farming for livelihood either directly or indirectly. Beyond economics, the ‎agricultural way of life anchors rural communities and food security. Yet Pakistan faces a pivotal ‎demographic tension: a massive youth cohort on one hand – roughly 64% of Pakistanis are under ‎‎30 – and an agricultural sector increasingly shunned by this younger generation on the ‎other. Rural youth have been migrating in large numbers, whether to cities or abroad, in search of ‎better opportunities. Villages report shortages of farm labor even as educated young Pakistanis ‎struggle with underemployment – a glaring paradox noted in recent studies‎. In short, fewer young people see a future in farming, despite limited jobs ‎elsewhere. This commentary examines the causes and consequences of this youth exodus from ‎agriculture and explores how Pakistan can re-engage its educated youth to revitalize the farming ‎sector. We begin by reviewing the “vital signs” of Pakistani agriculture – its workforce, land use ‎and productivity – to understand what’s at stake.‎

Pakistan’s 2024 population shows a strong youth bulge, with over 70% of people under the age of 30, highlighting the urgency of engaging this cohort in productive sectors like agriculture​.

Agriculture’s Vital Signs

An Aging Farm Workforce: Pakistan’s agricultural labor force is greying. The share of ‎employment in agriculture has declined (from 39.2% in 2018–19 to 37.4% in 2020–21)‎, and most of those remaining are older workers. One comparative study found ‎‎“55% of farmers from Pakistan have age more than 50 years”. By contrast, youth ‎under 25 form a much smaller fraction of farmers today. This aging trend reflects both younger ‎workers leaving and the traditional inheritance pattern where farm ownership and decision-making ‎rest with older family members. The gender breakdown also highlights who is staying behind: ‎nearly 68% of employed women work in agriculture (often as unpaid family labor), compared to ‎only 28% of employed men. In sum, the countryside is increasingly populated by an ‎older, predominantly female agricultural workforce, while young men – and many young women – ‎pursue opportunities outside farming. This raises concerns about who will carry Pakistani ‎agriculture forward in the coming decades.‎

Land Use and Underutilization: Pakistan is endowed with extensive agricultural land, but not all ‎of it is being utilized efficiently. Out of ~79.6 million hectares of total land, about 22.5 million ‎hectares are currently cultivated (sown in the last year or kept fallow). Thanks to ‎the Indus irrigation system, much land is double-cropped; the total cropped area is around 24 ‎million hectares, implying a national cropping intensity of roughly 150%. This ‎means many farms plant two crops per year (e.g. wheat in winter and rice or cotton in summer). ‎Cropping intensity has gradually increased (up from ~145% a decade ago) as farmers strive to ‎maximize output from limited land. However, a significant portion of arable land remains under-‎utilized. Approximately 8.2 million hectares are classified as “culturable waste” – land that is ‎capable of cultivation but lay idle for at least the past two years. Another ~6.8 ‎million hectares are “current fallow,” land that was cropped in recent past but not this year‎. These figures suggest that nearly half of Pakistan’s potential farmland is not ‎consistently cropped. Water scarcity, land degradation, and socio-economic factors (like absent ‎landowners or lack of labor) contribute to this underutilization. Engaging energetic young farmers ‎could be key to bringing some of this idle land back into production.‎

Output and Productivity Trends: The performance of Pakistan’s agriculture has been mixed. On ‎the one hand, the sector still accounts for about 22–24% of GDP and has seen ‎occasional spurts of robust growth (e.g. 3.5% in 2020–21, and an estimated 6.3% in 2023–24 after ‎a good harvest year). Major crops – wheat, rice, maize, cotton, sugarcane – are ‎grown in abundance, and Pakistan is among the world’s top producers of commodities like cotton, ‎milk and rice. On the other hand, yield levels have improved only slowly and inconsistently, ‎signalling stagnating productivity. For example, wheat yields hovered around 2.8 tons per hectare ‎in 2010–11 and crept up to only about 3.0 tons/ha by 2020–21. Rice yields (paddy) ‎averaged ~2.0 t/ha in 2010 and rose to ~2.9 t/ha by 2020 – better progress, yet still ‎low compared to global standards. Sugarcane yields increased from ~56 to ~70 t/ha over the ‎decade, reflecting some gains, while maize saw a jump (thanks to hybrid corn ‎adoption) from ~3.8 to ~6.3 t/ha. Troublingly, cotton yields declined – from ~725 ‎kg/ha a decade ago to barely ~578 kg/ha in 2020 – due to pest and disease pressures ‎and lagging seed technology. These trends underscore that Pakistan’s yield growth has lagged ‎behind its peers, and in some cases regressed. Agriculture’s share of GDP has fallen to about 22–‎‎23%, even though it still employs 37% of workers, implying low productivity per worker. ‎‎(In fact, agriculture’s GDP share is disproportionately low relative to its workforce share, ‎indicating lower value-added and incomes in farming versus other sectors.) Without new blood ‎injecting modern practices, there is a risk that output will plateau or fall behind population needs. ‎Notably, within agriculture, the livestock sub-sector now contributes 62% of value (14% of ‎GDP) – primarily dairy and meat – whereas crops (important + other) are only ~7.4% of ‎GDP combined. Crop yields stagnating, while demand for food rises, is a recipe for food ‎security challenges if not addressed.‎

Provincial Patterns and Irrigation vs. Rainfed: Pakistan’s agriculture is diverse across its ‎provinces and agro-ecological zones. The bulk of cropped area and production lies in the fertile, ‎irrigated plains of Punjab and Sindh, which benefit from the Indus River irrigation system. Punjab ‎alone typically produces the majority of wheat and cotton, and a large share of sugarcane and ‎maize, while Sindh dominates in rice and also grows cotton, wheat and sugarcane. In the smaller ‎provinces, agriculture is relatively smaller-scale: Khyber Pakhtunkhwa (KPK) has ‎predominantly smallholders growing wheat, maize, tobacco and orchard crops (and is a major ‎livestock producer), often on rain-fed plots or using limited irrigation from rivers and tube-wells. ‎Balochistan, being arid and sparsely populated, contributes only a few percent of national crop ‎output, focusing on fruits (apples, dates), vegetables and livestock in oasis-like pockets (using ‎karezes, tube-wells and limited canal irrigation). These regional differences are reflected in land ‎utilization. Nationally, about 82% of the cultivated land is irrigated and 18% rain-fed. ‎In Punjab and Sindh, irrigation (canals supplemented by tube-wells) is pervasive – millions of ‎hectares are watered by the Indus basin canal network and groundwater pumps, enabling multiple ‎cropping and higher yields. By contrast, many farms in KPK’s uplands and Balochistan rely on ‎rainfall or sporadic water sources, limiting them to a single crop per year and lower productivity. ‎For example, wheat yields in rain-fed northern Punjab/KPK can be less than half of those in ‎irrigated Punjab. Such disparities mean that rural youth from rain-fed regions often see fewer ‎prospects in farming than those from canal-irrigated districts. The reported cultivable land that ‎remains unused is also largely in these marginal areas. Bringing modern irrigation and technology ‎to rain-fed zones (e.g. through small dams, solar pumps, drip irrigation) could open new ‎opportunities that might encourage youth to engage in agriculture locally instead of migrating out.‎

Overall, the “vital signs” of Pakistani agriculture send a mixed message. The sector is undeniably ‎vital – supporting tens of millions of livelihoods – but it is also showing signs of strain: an aging, ‎shrinking workforce; inefficient land use with stagnating yields in key staples; and regional pockets ‎of underproductivity especially in rain-fed areas. These trends form the backdrop for the youth ‎exodus from farming. Understanding why rural youth are leaving (and why that trend is ‎problematic) is the next step in formulating solutions.‎

The Youth Exodus

Rural-to-Urban Migration: Pakistan has been urbanizing rapidly, fueled in large part by ‎migration of rural youth to cities. In 1998, about 32% of Pakistan’s population lived in urban areas; ‎as of 2023, nearly 39% is urban. Big cities like Karachi (now over 16 million ‎people) and Lahore (over 11 million) have swelled with newcomers from the countryside. Young ‎people form a substantial portion of these migrants, drawn by the promise of jobs, education and a ‎modern lifestyle. Many rural families see sending a son or daughter to the city as a pathway to ‎upward mobility. Common destinations include not only the megacities, but also emerging urban ‎centers and industrial towns (Faisalabad, Islamabad/Rawalpindi, Peshawar, Quetta, etc.). The ‎drivers are both “push” and “pull”: villages push youth out due to limited local opportunities (and ‎the lures of city glamour), while cities pull them in with perceived prospects of employment, higher ‎education, and social mobility. By the late 2010s, net rural out-migration was evident across much ‎of Pakistan except a few remote regions. As one case study notes, “unlike the rest of Pakistan, ‎where rural labour is migrating to cities, rural youth from Kurram (a tribal district) are ‎increasingly migrating outside of Pakistan” – implying that in most places the norm is ‎indeed rural-to-urban migration. This flow of youth has contributed to labor shortages back on the ‎farms (more on that later), but for the individuals involved, the move is often seen as necessary. ‎Youth with some education often prefer even informal urban work (e.g. in transport, retail, offices, ‎or as gig workers) to toiling in fields. Young rural women may migrate for marriage or to work in ‎city factories (though female migration is less documented). Urban migration isn’t always to major ‎cities – sometimes it’s from villages to nearby towns or secondary cities within the same province. ‎But the cumulative effect is clear: a “brain and brawn drain” of the countryside, as villages lose ‎their youngest, most educated members. A 2018 UNDP survey found that youth in rural ‎Pakistan overwhelmingly aspired to non-farm occupations, and many saw agriculture as a last ‎resort unless it could be made more profitable and respectable. These aspirations, combined with ‎the stark rural-urban gap in services (schools, internet, entertainment), propel the steady exodus.‎

Emigration Abroad from Rural Areas: In addition to internal migration, large numbers of young ‎Pakistanis from rural backgrounds have sought opportunities abroad. Overseas migration – ‎particularly to the Middle East – has been a major outlet for rural youth unemployment since the ‎‎1970s. This trend hit a record high recently. According to official data, 765,000 Pakistanis left for ‎work abroad in 2022 – nearly triple the number in 2021. The vast majority are ‎young men, many of them from rural or small-town backgrounds. Over 736,000 (96%) went to ‎Gulf countries like Saudi Arabia, UAE, Oman and Qatar, typically ‎on labor contracts in construction, driving, manual labor, or low-skill service jobs. The “push” ‎factors are familiar: lack of decent-paying jobs at home, and family pressure to earn. Rural districts ‎in Punjab and KPK are among the top sources of emigrants. Indeed, in 2022, “more than half of ‎those leaving the country were from Punjab” (424,000 people), followed by Khyber ‎Pakhtunkhwa (206,000, plus 38k from the merged tribal districts). Only 54,000 ‎were from Sindh and 7,000 from Balochistan, reflecting that Punjab and KPK’s ‎rural heartlands supply the bulk of migrant labor. This exodus includes not just unskilled workers ‎but also educated youth: in 2022, 92,000 emigrants were highly educated (doctors, engineers, IT ‎experts), and notably 2,600 were agricultural experts – suggesting ‎even some with agri degrees or skills chose foreign jobs. While international migration can benefit ‎rural families through remittances, it physically removes young manpower and talent from local ‎agriculture. Many villages in northern Punjab or KPK have a “youth gap,” where most able-bodied ‎young men are abroad in Dubai or Riyadh, and only children and the elderly tend the fields (often ‎with sharecroppers or hired help). Remittances have kept those farms going in some cases, but if ‎migration continues unabated, fewer youths see a future on ancestral lands. Moreover, the ‎aspiration to migrate has become ubiquitous – surveys show a high proportion of Pakistani ‎youth (rural and urban) desire to go abroad if given the chance, due to economic frustrations at ‎home. The result is a culture where farming is seen as a temporary activity until one ‎can “escape” overseas. Areas like Kurram, as mentioned, are extreme cases where conflict and ‎poverty drive youths directly abroad rather than to Pakistani cities.‎

Youth and the Urban Job Market: Paradoxically, even as rural youth flock to cities, many do ‎not find the prosperity they seek – at least not immediately. Youth unemployment in Pakistan is ‎quite high. The latest Labor Force Survey showed the highest unemployment rate is among ages ‎‎15–24, at 11.1% (compared to the overall 6.3% jobless rate). The next age bracket (25–‎‎34) also had above-average unemployment at 7.3%. This means hundreds of thousands ‎of young people in cities are unable to secure jobs despite actively seeking work. Many end up ‎underemployed in the informal sector – e.g. working gig jobs, day labor, or not fully utilizing their ‎education. A common scenario is the son of a farmer gets a bachelor’s degree and moves to the ‎city, but then struggles to find a stable salaried job; he may drive a ride-share taxi or work at a store ‎while applying for better jobs. Such underemployment often pays little more (or even less) than ‎what a diligent farmer could earn back home. Yet, returning to farm is seen as a loss of status, so ‎many persist in urban areas hoping for a break. The urban economy, plagued by slow growth in ‎recent years (GDP growth was just 0.3% in 2023), has not generated enough jobs to absorb ‎the “youth bulge.” Every year an estimated 1.5–2 million young Pakistanis enter the labor force, ‎many of them from rural areas, and formal job creation has fallen far short of this in the ‎‎2020s. This context is important: the broader economy’s limited capacity to employ youth is ‎the backdrop of the farming exodus. It implies that redirecting some youth energy back to ‎agriculture is not only about benefiting farming – it’s also one of the few viable ways to ‎productively employ large numbers of young Pakistanis.‎

In summary, the youth exodus from agriculture is driven by powerful forces: migration to cities for ‎perceived opportunity, migration abroad for higher wages, and an overall preference for non-farm ‎careers among the younger generation. The data paints a clear picture of rural depopulation by ‎youth. Yet, this trend is not sustainable for Pakistan’s food security and rural development – nor ‎even for the youth themselves, many of whom end up jobless or in precarious work. To craft ‎solutions, we must unpack why young people are disconnecting from farming, and also identify ‎what might draw them back. That is the focus of the next section.‎

Understanding the Disconnect

Why are so many Pakistani youths uninterested in farming, and could anything change their ‎minds? The reasons are multi-fold, rooted in economic “push” factors that drive youth away from ‎agriculture and social/structural factors that diminish farming’s appeal. At the same time, there are ‎potential “pull” factors that could entice some youths back – if certain conditions are met. We ‎explore both sides:‎

Push Factors – Why Youth Leave Farming‎

• Low Income and Uncertain Returns: Perhaps the biggest push factor is the perception ‎‎(often accurate) that farming doesn’t pay well. Small farmers face highly variable incomes ‎dependent on the weather, pests, and market prices. A single bad crop or price crash can ‎wipe out a year’s earnings. Many rural families remain near the poverty line. As one ‎assessment succinctly noted, “Poor crop yields, unreliable farming income, and negative ‎perceptions of farming drive young people to seek jobs and opportunities in urban areas”‎. Indeed, despite all the labor they put in, farmers often get low returns – ‎e.g. government support prices for wheat or milk translate to very modest earnings for ‎producers. Pakistan’s agriculture sector is marked by low productivity: it employs 37% of ‎workers but generates only ~23% of GDP, meaning output (and by extension ‎income) per worker is much lower than in industry or services. It’s no surprise that a youth ‎with some education would rather take a shot at a city job that might pay a steady salary ‎than toil on a farm yielding uncertain profit. Many rural parents themselves push their ‎children away from farming towards “better” jobs in offices or abroad, hoping to escape the ‎cycle of subsistence agriculture. In short, the economic opportunity cost of staying in ‎farming is seen as too high by many young people.‎
• Social Status and “Uncool” Image: Farming has acquired a social stigma among some ‎educated youth. It is often seen as a traditional, backward occupation – something one does ‎only if they couldn’t make it in a more “modern” career. Urban lifestyles and jobs carry a ‎certain prestige; by contrast, a villager working in fields may be derogatorily labeled as a ‎‎“paindoo” (peasant/hick) in local slang. This is not just anecdotal – it’s been observed in ‎various countries and is increasingly true in Pakistan. The IFAD’s Rural Development ‎Report noted that rural youth view farming as ‘uncool’ and prefer urban employment‎. Unlike their grandparents who took pride in tilling their own land, today’s rural ‎adolescents often aspire to wear office clothes, use computers, and have an air-conditioned ‎workplace. Farming, being physically demanding and dependent on nature, doesn’t fit that ‎ideal. Also, decades of public policy neglect and media portrayal have contributed to ‎farming being seen as a “last resort” job. There is a sense that “a farmer is born, not ‎made” – i.e. educated youth rarely choose farming as a career if they have any other ‎option. Even language reflects this: calling someone a “kissan” (farmer) can be a put-down ‎among youth. These negative perceptions are self-reinforcing: the more bright minds leave ‎farming, the more it is seen as only for the old and uneducated, which then further ‎disincentivizes educated youth from engaging. Changing this mindset is a major challenge.‎
• Land Constraints – Access and Inheritance: One very practical barrier is access to land. ‎Most rural youth do not own land in their own right. Land ownership in Pakistan is ‎typically in the hands of the older generation (parents or grandparents). Upon the owner’s ‎death, land gets subdivided among heirs, often resulting in fragmentation into plots too ‎small for efficient farming. Over time, average farm size has shrunk dramatically – from ‎about 5.3 hectares in 1972 to only 2.6 hectares by 2010. In 2010, ‎‎65% of all farms were under 2 hectares (5 acres), and this share ‎was rising. Traditional inheritance practices mean each generation further divides the land‎. Many young people from farming families therefore either a) have no ‎land (if their family are landless laborers/tenants), or b) will inherit only a small piece ‎shared with siblings. A 25-year-old might be working on his father’s farm, but he knows he ‎won’t have full decision-making power or ownership until much later in life (if at all). This ‎lack of ownership or control reduces motivation. Moreover, land tenancy laws can be ‎insecure – a young sharecropper or tenant might be dissuaded from investing in ‎improvements if he could be evicted by the landlord. Landlessness is high in rural ‎Pakistan, though exact figures vary by region (in some districts over half of rural ‎households own no land). Such youths have essentially no entry point into farming except ‎as wage laborers – naturally they prefer to seek urban jobs rather than remain a farmhand. ‎Even those with family land face the fragmentation issue: farms so small that one cannot ‎earn enough. If a family’s 10 acres is split among four brothers, each gets 2.5 acres – hardly ‎enough to prosper by traditional cropping. As one report observed, these dynamics have led ‎to “a massive rise in the number of small and very small farms” and now “farms of under 5 ‎hectares account for over 50% of total farmland area”. Without land ‎consolidation or alternatives (like cooperative farming), the next generation sees little future ‎on tiny plots.‎
• Lack of Credit and Modern Inputs: Young aspiring farmers also face difficulty accessing ‎the resources needed to make farming profitable. Credit is a big one – banks in Pakistan ‎have historically been reluctant to lend to small farmers, especially those without collateral ‎‎(which most youth lack until they inherit land). While agricultural credit has expanded in ‎recent years, it still reaches only a minority. Even after record disbursements, only about ‎‎2.86 million farmers received bank credit in FY2024 out of an estimated 8+ ‎million farm households. This means a majority of small farmers operate without formal ‎loans, relying on personal savings or informal lenders. A young person with an innovative ‎farm idea (say starting a poultry farm or buying a tractor to offer services) will struggle to ‎get a startup loan. One needs land title or asset guarantees which youth rarely have. ‎Although the State Bank of Pakistan and government have schemes (e.g. interest-free loans ‎for landless farmers, and a Credit Guarantee Scheme covering 50% of losses on small ‎farmer loans), these programs have so far reached only a few ‎hundred thousand farmers. The credit gap leaves many young farmers unable to invest in ‎modern inputs – quality seeds, fertilizers, machinery, irrigation equipment – that could raise ‎farm productivity and income. Similarly, access to technology and knowledge is limited. ‎The public agricultural extension system in Pakistan is under-resourced; many farmers ‎‎(especially younger, smaller ones) have little exposure to improved practices beyond what ‎their family has always done. Without proactive outreach, they might not learn about new ‎crop varieties, pest control methods or business skills that could make farming more ‎attractive. Digital technology could be a game-changer – for instance, smartphone apps to ‎get market prices or remote advice – but rural youth need connectivity and training to use ‎such tools effectively. In many villages, patchy internet and low digital literacy impede this. ‎Thus, lack of finance and tech access form a structural barrier that pushes youth to look for ‎easier income sources outside farming.‎
• Rural Service Deficits and Lifestyle Factors: Another reason youth depart villages is the ‎overall quality of life gap between rural and urban areas. Rural Pakistan lags behind cities ‎in almost all human development indicators – education, healthcare, infrastructure, ‎entertainment. For example, rural literacy is about 54% (and much lower for women) ‎versus 76% in urban areas (2017 census data). Higher education opportunities in villages ‎are scarce; a young person usually must relocate to get a college degree, and once in the ‎city, they often settle there. Healthcare facilities in villages are limited to basic health units; ‎anything serious requires travel to a town or city. Roads and transport in many rural ‎localities are underdeveloped, making farm life feel isolating. Socially, villages offer fewer ‎recreation options for youth – there are no malls, limited internet cafes or sports facilities, ‎etc. All this contributes to a sentiment that “there’s nothing here for us.” Research on ‎youth migration globally has found that “rural-urban differentials in the availability of ‎social infrastructure (roads, schools, hospitals) influence migration decisions”‎. Pakistan is no exception: a talented village youth may want to stay ‎and serve their community, but if the basic infrastructure for a decent life isn’t present, ‎leaving becomes the rational choice. Additionally, rural areas often have more conservative ‎social norms which some educated youth (especially young women) find restrictive – they ‎might seek the comparative freedom of urban anonymity. The net effect is a cultural shift ‎where farming and village life are seen as something to escape for anyone who has the ‎education to do so.‎

Pull (and Potential Pull-Back) Factors – What Might Keep or Bring Youth in Farming‎

Despite all the above, certain factors could entice youth to either remain in or return to agriculture ‎under the right circumstances. Not all rural youth aspire to leave; and of those who left, some do ‎consider coming back if farming conditions improve or other options falter. Key potential “pull” ‎factors include:‎

• Reality of Urban Unemployment: As noted, the urban job market often disappoints. A ‎college degree does not guarantee a job, and many rural migrants end up in precarious ‎positions. When youth face the harsh reality of city expenses and unemployment, some ‎begin to rethink the value of their family’s land. For example, a young man who spends a ‎few years job-hunting in Karachi may decide to return to his village in Sindh to help on the ‎farm, realizing he can at least earn a living there. The high youth unemployment (over ‎‎11%) is thus a potential push-back factor – it discourages some from staying in ‎cities long-term. In economic downturns, there have been instances of reverse migration: ‎youths going back to rural areas when they couldn’t find work in town. Family elders ‎sometimes remark that “if you can’t find a job, come back and take care of the land.” In ‎the coming years, if Pakistan’s industries cannot absorb the growing youth labor force, ‎agriculture might again become a safety net for employment. However, this is only a ‎positive pull if farming can provide half-decent earnings; otherwise, it’s seen as a fallback ‎of last resort.‎
• Ties to Family Land and Tradition: Emotional and familial ties do play a role. Many ‎rural youth have a sense of attachment to their ancestral land and feel a responsibility to ‎continue the family farming tradition (especially if they are the only son or the only one ‎available to help aging parents). In more traditional communities, there is social pressure for ‎youth to contribute to farming. For instance, in parts of KPK, farming is interwoven with ‎notions of honor and duty. A young farmer from Kurram district explained, “[Farming] is ‎our culture. When your family members are working on the farm and you are not helping ‎them, you are considered a loafer (lazy)”. Such social expectations can pull ‎youth into farming activities, at least part-time. They may still aspire for a non-farm career, ‎but until that materializes, they’ll lend a hand on the farm out of respect for family. Even ‎among educated youth, some do express a desire to improve their family farm rather than ‎abandon it – they feel a sense of heritage tied to the land. If these cultural sentiments are ‎reinforced with economic incentives, they could form a powerful pull. For example, a ‎young man might take pride in being the one to modernize his grandfather’s farm with new ‎techniques, thus balancing tradition with innovation. The key is that not all youth want to ‎sever ties; many just want farming to be more rewarding if they are to pursue it.‎
• Emerging Opportunities in Agri-Business: A small but growing number of enterprising ‎youth see agriculture as an opportunity for entrepreneurship, not just subsistence. These ‎‎“agri-preneurs” are leveraging their education to identify niches in the agricultural value ‎chain – whether it’s organic produce, dairy processing, farm-to-market logistics, or ‎agricultural technology services. For instance, some tech-savvy youth have started ‎platforms to connect farmers to markets (one startup provides an app for farmers to sell ‎produce directly to urban buyers). Others have launched high-value crop ventures like ‎mushroom farming, floriculture, or hydroponic vegetables targeting upscale markets. The ‎success stories of such young agripreneurs can inspire peers. In fact, targeted programs ‎have shown promising results. In one recent project, 700 rural youth and women in Punjab ‎and Sindh received training in agribusiness skills (marketing, quality control, digital ‎literacy), focusing on high-demand products like dried chillies, fruits, and animal fodder. ‎The outcome was a 25% increase in their business revenues on average ‎‎– demonstrating that, with the right support, young farmers can turn higher profits. As this ‎project report noted, it provided “a sustainable pathway for women and youth out of ‎poverty” while bolstering the agriculture sector. Such examples create a pull ‎by showing that farming can be modern, innovative, and profitable. If more incubators, ‎training, and financing become available for youth-led agricultural startups, we could see ‎more educated youth choosing agribusiness as a career (much as they flock to tech startups ‎today). The caveat is that this currently involves a minority of well-educated, ‎entrepreneurial individuals – scaling it up would require systemic support (addressed in the ‎next section on policy).‎
• Returning Migrants with Skills and Capital: Many of the youth who left – whether to ‎cities or abroad – might return under certain conditions. For those who spent years working ‎in Gulf countries, they often come back in their 30s or 40s with some savings. ‎Traditionally, a lot of that remittance money is invested in buying more land or building a ‎house in the village. These returnee migrants could become agents of agricultural ‎revitalization if channeled properly. They have seen other countries (or at least other parts ‎of Pakistan), may have picked up new ideas or work ethics, and crucially, they have capital ‎to invest. Some progressive farmers in Pakistan’s villages are actually former migrants who, ‎after years abroad, decided to put their savings into improved seeds, tractors, tube-wells, or ‎dairy animals. Remittances already sustain many rural households – for example, families ‎with a member abroad often use the money to hire laborers to work their land or to ‎purchase better inputs, thus keeping the farm productive. If these returning ‎youth were encouraged with matching grants or technical advice, they might transform ‎their family farms into more profitable enterprises. Their presence can also alleviate labor ‎shortages (one able young man can do the work of several elderly farmers). The key point ‎is that not all who leave are gone forever; life events or disillusionment can bring some ‎back. Making farming attractive and accessible for those returnees (so they don’t ‎immediately try to go back abroad or to the city) is a potential win for the sector.‎

In essence, while the default trajectory now is youth moving away from agriculture, there are ‎scenarios where that flow can be slowed or reversed. Unemployment and urban hardships can ‎push some back; family and culture can hold some in place; and new opportunities in agriculture ‎can pull some forward into farming by choice. The challenge for policy is to amplify these pull ‎factors and mitigate the push factors. By doing so, Pakistan can hope to engage its educated youth ‎in revitalizing agriculture. The next section outlines policy pathways to achieve this – concrete ‎steps to transform perceptions, build skills, improve access to resources, enhance rural life, and ‎foster innovation, so that farming becomes a genuinely viable and attractive option for the nation’s ‎youth.‎

The Stakes

Why does it matter if youth abandon agriculture? The foregoing discussion hints at multiple risks. ‎If the current trajectory continues – an aging farmer population, shrinking labor force, and ‎stagnating farm sector – Pakistan could face serious consequences. Engaging youth in agriculture ‎is not just a feel-good aspiration; it is critical for the country’s food security, economic ‎development, and social cohesion. Here we outline what is at stake:‎

• Aging Workforce and Knowledge Loss: The average age of the agricultural workforce ‎keeps rising, which can have negative implications for productivity and innovation. With ‎over half of farmers above 50 years old, Pakistan’s farms are ‎increasingly run by senior citizens. While experienced elders have invaluable knowledge, ‎farming is physically demanding and often benefits from quick adoption of new ideas – ‎attributes generally more associated with youth. An aging farmer population means there is ‎less physical stamina available for labor-intensive tasks and potentially less openness to ‎trying new techniques or crops. As older farmers retire or pass away, their farms may not ‎have a prepared successor if their children have moved away. This could lead to land being ‎left fallow or sold off. Moreover, rural youth exodus can mean a loss of local knowledge ‎transfer – traditionally, skills are passed from one generation to the next on the farm, but if ‎the next generation is absent, that chain is broken. A FAO analysis warns that the “farming ‎sector is ageing rapidly” and without youth, even existing knowledge and good practices ‎may fade as elders age out. In short, the human capital base of agriculture is ‎eroding. If no young farmers are in the pipeline, who will grow Pakistan’s food 20–30 ‎years from now? It’s a looming generational crisis.‎
• Labor Shortages and Higher Costs: Several areas already report difficulty finding farm ‎labor during peak seasons. Younger villagers used to serve as the workforce for planting, ‎weeding, and harvesting on larger farms or as sharecroppers; now many of them are gone. ‎The gap is sometimes filled by migrant labor from even poorer regions (for instance, ‎laborers from southern Punjab travel to central Punjab for the wheat harvest, or Afghan ‎migrants take up farm work). But as overall rural population growth slows and urban ‎opportunities beckon, agriculture could face systemic labor shortages – an ironic situation ‎in a country with millions of underemployed youth. A case study in Kurram noted that ‎many fields went uncultivated during conflict and after, because “farmers could not bring ‎their products to market or buy inputs… conflict forced many people, especially the youth, ‎to flee… [remaining] youth were less interested in farming”, resulting in acute labor ‎deficits. While that was conflict-driven, other regions see similar effects from ‎economic migration. When labor is scarce, its cost rises; farmers have to pay more to hire ‎help, which squeezes their margins and can lead them to reduce cultivated area or switch to ‎less labor-intensive crops. Some Punjab farmers, for example, have reduced cotton planting ‎‎(which requires a lot of picking labor) in favor of wheat or mechanized crops, due in part to ‎labor availability issues. If this trend continues, yields and production could suffer – crops ‎might not be sown or harvested on time, and some land could be abandoned. This also has ‎implications for rural wage earners: those who do want farm jobs may benefit from higher ‎wages in short-term, but if farmers decide to mechanize or quit due to high labor costs, ‎those jobs disappear entirely. It’s a lose-lose spiral of rural employment.‎
• Stagnating Productivity and Innovation: Young farmers are often considered more likely ‎to adopt new technologies and practices – whether it’s experimenting with a new seed ‎variety, using a smartphone app for farm advice, or trying precision farming techniques. ‎They also tend to be better educated. Losing youth from agriculture thus threatens to slow ‎down the sector’s modernization. A commentary on rural youth migration observed that ‎‎“the departure of youth also stifles innovation within agriculture. Younger generations tend ‎to be more open to adopting modern technologies”. Many of the ‎breakthrough revolutions in farming globally (from the Green Revolution to today’s digital ‎farming) rely on energetic, curious farmers willing to try something different. If Pakistan’s ‎farms are predominantly in the hands of 60-year-olds, the diffusion of innovations like ‎biotech seeds, drones for crop monitoring, or climate-smart practices may be much slower. ‎This productivity risk comes at a time when innovation is badly needed – climate change is ‎making farming tougher (witness the 2022 super-floods and frequent droughts), and global ‎competition is rising. An agriculture sector without youth is in danger of becoming static, ‎just maintaining traditional methods. That could cause yields to flatline or even decline ‎relative to potential. Already we see signs of stagnation in yields of major crops, as ‎discussed earlier. Reinvigorating growth in output per hectare may well depend on ‎engaging tech-savvy youth who can leverage new knowledge. Without them, Pakistan ‎risks falling behind in agricultural productivity, which in turn affects overall economic ‎growth since agriculture supports downstream industries (textiles, food processing).‎
• Food Security and Import Dependence: If domestic agriculture cannot keep pace with ‎population and demand, Pakistan’s food security is at risk. The country’s population is ‎projected to reach 260+ million in the next decade, adding millions of mouths to feed. Yet ‎cropped area has not expanded commensurately, and yield gains have been modest. The ‎result has been increasing reliance on food imports to fill the gap. In FY2023, Pakistan’s ‎food import bill was about $9 billion – including massive imports of wheat, cooking ‎oil, pulses, and tea. (Half of that was edible oil alone, as local oilseed production is meager‎.) While trade can complement food supply, heavy dependence on imports leaves ‎Pakistan vulnerable to global price shocks and trade disruptions. We saw this during the ‎‎2022–23 period when international wheat and oil prices spiked; domestic food inflation hit ‎record highs. If the farming workforce continues aging and shrinking, domestic production ‎of staples like wheat, rice, and vegetables may stagnate or decline, widening the food ‎deficit. Already, Pakistan, once nearly self-sufficient in wheat, has become a net importer in ‎some recent years due to production shortfalls. Fish and meat supply could also lag ‎growing demand if fewer youth take up livestock rearing. Food security isn’t just about ‎total output but also about who produces – a dwindling number of old farmers cannot ‎indefinitely feed a growing young nation. There’s also the issue of strategic food ‎autonomy: policymakers worry that over-reliance on imports for essential grains or oilseeds ‎is a strategic vulnerability. Without engaging youth in boosting agricultural output, Pakistan ‎may face more frequent food crises or be forced to spend scarce foreign exchange on ‎imports, which hurts the overall economy.‎
• Widening Rural Inequality and Social Upheaval: The exodus of youth could exacerbate ‎inequality on multiple levels. Between rural and urban: if rural areas are emptied of ‎dynamic youth, their economic decline relative to cities could accelerate. Villages might ‎sink into poverty and stagnation, while urban wealth grows – leading to a deeper rural-‎urban divide. This could fuel social resentment or instability. Within rural areas: as small ‎farmers struggle or leave, who takes over their land? Often it’s big landowners or outside ‎investors (sometimes corporations) who consolidate landholdings. Pakistan is actively ‎exploring large-scale corporate farming to boost output, which has some benefits, but it ‎could come at the cost of marginalizing smallholders. As one analyst warned, “Large-scale ‎corporate farms could reduce the market share of small farmers as they struggle to keep ‎up”. If youth from small-farm families are not empowered to continue farming, ‎those families may end up selling or leasing their land to wealthier entities. Land ‎consolidation might improve efficiency, but it also means the profits of agriculture accrue to ‎a smaller elite. Rural income inequality is already significant – a small fraction of landlords ‎control a big chunk of land (e.g. over 90% of farmers have less than 12.5 acres, while ‎the remaining under 10% own most of the land area). Youth flight could ‎worsen this, as more land falls into fewer (corporate) hands. Unemployed or landless rural ‎youth might then only find work as low-paid labor on large farms or end up landless in ‎urban slums. Social structures in rural areas could fray – traditionally, small farmers are ‎the backbone of village communities and local leadership (e.g. in water management, ‎cooperatives, etc.). If they disappear, rural society could stratify into large landowners and a ‎laboring class, with many youth simply gone. Such inequality and disenfranchisement ‎carries the risk of rural unrest or increased crime/drug use among those left behind with no ‎stake. Lastly, gender inequality could increase if progressive young men and women leave, ‎leaving conservative elders in charge – rural women might be further deprived of voice and ‎opportunity in an aging farm society. All told, the social fabric of rural Pakistan is at stake. ‎Keeping youth in farming – and enabling them to succeed – would inject hope and reduce ‎the desperation that drives destabilizing inequality and migration.‎

In sum, the stakes are high: an agricultural sector without youth is one on a path of slow decline – ‎risking lower production, less innovation, labor bottlenecks, greater import dependence, and ‎entrenched inequalities. Conversely, if Pakistan manages to harness the energies of its educated ‎youth for agricultural transformation, it can secure its food future, boost inclusive growth, and ‎stabilize rural communities. The next section discusses how to realize that positive scenario. There ‎is no single silver bullet, but a mix of policy pathways can create an environment where young ‎people want to engage in agriculture – as modern agripreneurs, skilled producers, and innovators ‎leading Pakistan’s next Green Revolution.‎

Policy Pathways

Re-engaging youth in agriculture requires reversing deeply entrenched perceptions and lowering ‎real barriers. It calls for policy action on multiple fronts, from changing mindsets to providing ‎material support and improving rural living conditions. Below are five strategic pathways – ‎complementary and mutually reinforcing – to make agriculture a viable and attractive pursuit for ‎Pakistan’s educated youth:‎

‎1. Transforming Perceptions of Agriculture‎

A fundamental task is to change the narrative around farming so that it is seen as a progressive, ‎respected and profitable profession. As long as farming is viewed as a “dead-end” or second-class ‎career, convincing young people to pursue it will be an uphill battle. The government, media, and ‎educational institutions must collaborate to elevate the status of agriculture in the public ‎imagination. This can be done by highlighting success stories, integrating agriculture into ‎education, and launching campaigns that resonate with youth aspirations:‎

• Public Awareness Campaigns: Just as past media campaigns changed perceptions about ‎issues like literacy and health, we need campaigns that portray farming in a positive light. ‎This could include television segments showcasing young, innovative farmers who have ‎made farming prosperous with new techniques (for example, a youth who started an ‎organic farm supplying high-end supermarkets, or one who introduced solar-powered ‎irrigation on his farm). Social media can be a powerful tool here – short documentaries or ‎YouTube series can profile “Agri-Influencers” (young farmers or agri-entrepreneurs) and ‎demonstrate that farming today involves skill, technology, and entrepreneurship. The aim is ‎to provide role models for rural youth. When youngsters see peers their age making a mark ‎in agriculture, it can shatter the stereotype that farming is only for those who have “no other ‎option.” Officials could also partner with popular cultural figures to endorse farming – e.g. ‎a famous cricket star or actor visiting a model farm and talking about the importance and ‎pride of agriculture.‎
• Agriculture in School Curriculum and Clubs: Attitudes are shaped young. Introducing ‎agriculture-related education in schools (especially rural schools) can foster curiosity and ‎respect for farming. This doesn’t mean turning all students into farmers, but basic ‎agricultural literacy – understanding where food comes from, the science of plants/soil, and ‎the business of farming – can be taught as part of science or social studies. More ‎importantly, experiential learning opportunities like 4-H clubs or “Young Farmers” clubs ‎in high schools could be promoted. These clubs can engage students in gardening, animal ‎rearing, or small agri-business projects as extracurricular activities. Many countries have ‎such youth programs that cultivate interest in agriculture early on. For instance, a ‎school could maintain a vegetable plot managed by students, with a local ag extension ‎officer as an advisor. Competitions can be held for best youth farming project, with prizes ‎and recognition (imagine a “Youth Agri-Champion” award at district level). The federal ‎and provincial agriculture departments, along with education departments, should ‎collaborate on pilot programs in this vein.‎
• Respect and Recognition for Farmers: Government leaders can set the tone by publicly ‎celebrating farmers’ contributions. Pakistan already observes a “Kissan Day” (Farmers’ ‎Day) on December 18; this could be expanded with specific focus on young farmers. ‎Scholarships or fellowships could be established for outstanding young farmers to pursue ‎further training (similar to how we reward top students in academics). Additionally, ‎ensuring that farmer voices (including youth) are represented in policy dialogues and ‎media panels will signal that their expertise is valued on par with industrialists or white-‎collar professionals. The language used in discourse matters too – avoiding derogatory ‎stereotypes and emphasizing that farming today involves knowledge of STEM (science, ‎technology, engineering, math) could help. Essentially, farming needs to be “rebranded” as ‎a modern profession. Tailored educational programs and outreach can help here – FAO ‎notes that providing youth with educational programs specific to agriculture can re-engage ‎them. This might include short courses on agri-entrepreneurship offered to college ‎grads or diploma courses in high-tech farming for rural youth. When young people see that ‎one can go to school for agriculture and build a career, it legitimizes the field.‎

Changing perceptions is a slow process, but it underpins all other efforts. If done right, within a ‎decade we could have a cultural shift where an agriculture graduate or a young farm owner is seen ‎with the same respect as an engineer or banker, and where parents no longer say “don’t be a ‎farmer” but rather “if you farm, be the best at it with new knowledge.” In conjunction with the ‎concrete support discussed next, this could make a real difference in drawing educated youth to ‎agriculture.‎

This policy framework addresses Pakistan's youth exodus from agriculture through five strategic pathways, creating a comprehensive approach to transform farming into an attractive, viable career option for educated young people. © Amar Razzaq, 2025

‎2. Building Relevant Skills and Knowledge‎

Even if attitudes improve, youth will only succeed in agriculture if they have the skills and ‎knowledge needed for modern farming and agribusiness. Thus, a critical policy pathway is ‎strengthening education, training and extension services to equip young people with the technical ‎and entrepreneurial skills to thrive in agriculture. This involves updating curricula, expanding ‎vocational training, and leveraging modern methods to reach rural youth:‎

• Revitalize Agricultural Education: Pakistan has a number of agricultural universities and ‎colleges (e.g. in Faisalabad, Tandojam, Peshawar, Rawalpindi, Lasbela). These institutions ‎should be supported to update their curricula to reflect current and future needs (such as ‎precision agriculture, value chain management, climate-smart agriculture). More ‎importantly, access to agricultural education should be broadened. Establishing polytechnic ‎institutes or community college programs in rural areas that offer diplomas in practical ‎fields like farm management, horticulture, dairy technology, etc., would allow rural youth ‎who may not go for a full university degree to still get formal training. For example, short ‎‎6-month courses in poultry farming or drip irrigation techniques can impart valuable skills. ‎Government can subsidize such courses for youth from farming families. Additionally, ‎integrating some agricultural modules into general education for rural schools (as ‎mentioned in Pathway 1) builds foundational knowledge. The goal is a skilled young ‎farmer cadre that knows both the science (e.g. pest control, soil health) and the economics ‎‎(marketing, accounting) of agriculture.‎
• Youth-Focused Extension and Training Programs: Traditional extension services often ‎focus on older male landowners, via methods like village meetings or demo plots. To ‎engage youth, extension must innovate. One approach is to recruit and train young ‎extension agents – women and men in their 20s who can better communicate with rural ‎youth and serve as peer mentors. For instance, a program could select educated rural youth, ‎train them intensively in new farming techniques, and have them serve as “village resource ‎persons” who advise fellow farmers (a train-the-trainer model). Digital tools are also key. ‎Many rural youth do have smartphones; agriculture departments and NGOs can develop e-‎learning modules, YouTube tutorials in local languages, or even mobile games that teach ‎agronomic concepts. Setting up “digital hubs” at village level (perhaps at schools or ag ‎service centers) where youth can access the internet to follow online courses or tutorials ‎about farming could merge tech with agriculture. Collaborations with initiatives like ‎Coursera or edX to offer free online courses in agriculture (with local study groups) can be ‎explored. Evidence shows that targeted training improves outcomes: entrepreneurial ‎training for rural youth in Pakistan has been found to reduce business failures and increase ‎incomes. One example is the Standard Chartered ‎‎“Agripreneurs” project which provided business training to hundreds of young farmers, ‎resulting in significant revenue increases. Scaling up such programs ‎nationally – possibly via public-private partnerships – could empower thousands of aspiring ‎young agripreneurs.‎
• Practical Exposure and Internships: There is often a gap between theoretical knowledge ‎and hands-on experience. Creating opportunities for young people to “learn by doing” is ‎vital. This could include farm apprenticeship schemes where urban-educated youth ‎interested in farming spend time working on model farms or research stations to gain ‎experience. Likewise, encourage established progressive farmers to take on youth ‎interns/mentees. The government can incentivize this by covering a stipend for interns. ‎Agricultural research institutes can involve youth in participatory research (citizen science ‎approach) – for instance, having young farmers test experimental seed varieties on their ‎fields in collaboration with scientists, thereby giving them early exposure to innovations. ‎Another idea is organizing Youth Farmer Field Schools, which has been done in some ‎countries: groups of young farmers meet regularly through a cropping season, guided by an ‎extension facilitator, to learn by observing and managing a demonstration plot collectively. ‎They learn experimentation and decision-making in a group setting, which builds ‎confidence and skills.‎
• Business and Market Skills: Beyond production, youths need skills in marketing, ‎processing, and other downstream aspects to really make farming profitable. Thus, training ‎shouldn’t just be “how to grow crop X” but also “how to sell crop X for the best price” or ‎‎“how to add value to product X.” Workshops on basic accounting, packaging, branding, ‎and use of digital marketplaces can turn farmers into entrepreneurs. In the Agripreneurs ‎project mentioned, participants got training in marketing, quality assurance, and digital ‎literacy, which helped them tap higher-value markets. Expanding such ‎training through farmer cooperatives or rural youth clubs could allow even those not ‎formally educated to gain business savvy. Micro-entrepreneurship training could also cover ‎how to start side businesses like agri-tourism (e.g. farm stays), farm mechanization services ‎‎(renting out a tractor), or food processing cottage industries. Coupled with microfinance, ‎this can open new income streams for rural youth.‎
• Leveraging Veteran Knowledge: While focusing on new skills, we shouldn’t ignore the ‎wealth of knowledge older farmers have. A mentorship program can pair willing ‎experienced farmers (“lead farmers”) with youth who are starting out. The older mentor can ‎guide on local best practices, while the youth can assist with labor and maybe introduce ‎new ideas – a two-way learning. This can help bridge the generation gap and ensure ‎traditional knowledge is passed on, but in a context that also embraces new methods.‎

In summary, building youth capacity for agriculture means a skill revolution at the rural grassroots. ‎If a young person is armed with the know-how to run a farm as a business, proficient in modern ‎agronomy, and connected to sources of information, they are far more likely to give farming a ‎serious shot. Pakistan needs to invest in its human capital through agricultural education and ‎training reform, much like it invests in STEM education for industrial jobs. The returns could be ‎immense in terms of productivity and rural employment.‎

3. Unlocking Access to Land, Credit and Inputs‎

Even a willing and skilled young farmer cannot get far without access to the basic resources of ‎production: land to cultivate, capital to invest, and inputs/technology to improve productivity. ‎Therefore, policies must break down the barriers that currently lock many youth out of these ‎resources. Key interventions include land reforms/initiatives to get land into the hands of young ‎cultivators, financial inclusion measures, and facilitating access to modern inputs and equipment:‎

• Land Access Schemes: While comprehensive land reform (redistribution of large estates to ‎landless) has long been stalled in Pakistan due to political resistance, there are other ways to ‎improve youth access to land. One approach is creating a land bank or land lease ‎program for youth. For example, the government could identify underutilized public land ‎or recovered state land and allocate it to young farmers on long-term lease at nominal rents, ‎provided they bring it under cultivation. This was proposed by peasant organizations – ‎‎“state land be redistributed among landless peasants, rural poor, women, youth”‎ – and could be piloted in certain areas. Another mechanism is facilitating ‎land leasing markets: many small landowners who migrate or cannot farm might be ‎willing to lease out their land, but lack of trust and legal frameworks inhibit leasing. ‎Government or cooperatives could act as intermediaries to connect landless youth with ‎landowners for secure lease agreements, perhaps with initial subsidies. A “Youth Farm ‎Lease Scheme” could, for instance, pay part of the lease cost for the first 2 years as the ‎young farmer establishes the business. Additionally, simplifying inheritance and co-‎ownership laws could allow siblings to consolidate or allocate land more rationally rather ‎than fragment it. For instance, offering incentives for family members to pool their inherited ‎land into a single holding operated by one of them (with others as shareholders) could ‎prevent tiny splits. Group farming models can also help – if five rural youth each have 2 ‎acres from their families, they could form a joint venture to farm 10 acres together, sharing ‎costs and profits. Extension services can promote such collective farming among youth ‎groups. Ensuring women’s access to land is also crucial, as many young women in rural ‎areas are involved in farming but rarely hold land titles. Programs to give joint spousal titles ‎or allocate state land to female farmers (with support for operations) would tap into an ‎overlooked youth segment.‎
• Youth-Friendly Agricultural Credit: Expanding credit to young and new farmers is ‎essential. Banks typically require collateral and credit history, which young people lack. ‎The government and SBP should strengthen schemes that encourage lending to this ‎demographic. The Credit Guarantee Scheme for Small and Marginal Farmers ‎‎(CGSMF) already provides 50% risk cover to banks for small farmer loans‎ – this can be scaled up, with a special quota for loans to under-30 farmers. ‎Since 2016, only ~150,000 farmers benefited from CGSMF; millions more ‎could. The scheme could be supplemented with interest-rate subsidies or interest-free ‎tranches for youth (the government’s recent initiative of Interest Free Loans & Risk ‎Sharing for landless flood-affected farmers is a good model). ‎Another idea is to create a dedicated “Youth in Agriculture” financing window under the ‎PM’s Youth Program, which already gives small business loans to youth. Allocating a ‎percentage of those loans specifically to agriculture (for purchasing livestock, seeds, small ‎machinery, etc.) at low interest and with flexible repayment can lower the entry barrier. ‎Microfinance institutions and rural support programs should also be incentivized to target ‎rural youth with tailored products (e.g. group lending where a group of youth collectively ‎guarantee each other’s loans). Moreover, innovative financing like value-chain financing ‎‎(where agribusiness companies provide inputs on credit to contract growers and deduct at ‎purchase) can be leveraged to support young farmers who enter into contract farming ‎arrangements for e.g. food processors or exporters. As digital payments and mobile banking ‎spread, even unbanked youth can start accessing financial services – for instance, using ‎mobile wallets to receive crop sale proceeds or credit disbursements. By ‎making credit accessible, we enable youth to invest in all the things that make farming ‎viable: quality seeds, fertilizer, irrigation, etc. Without credit, a young farmer basically can ‎only do what his forefathers did – which likely isn’t profitable enough to keep him ‎interested.‎
• Subsidies and Input Access for Young Farmers: To encourage new young entrants, the ‎government could offer targeted input support. For example, “Young Farmer Starter ‎Kits” – a one-time subsidy package consisting of seeds, fertilizers, perhaps a small ‎irrigation pump or sprayer, and training – could be given to youth who take up farming ‎formally (either on their own land or leased). Some provinces have provided Kissan Cards ‎‎(subsidy cards) to farmers; extra top-ups could be given on these cards for farmers below a ‎certain age to reduce their input costs. Access to water is critical too – schemes to subsidize ‎tube-well installation or water storage for young farmers in water-scarce areas would be ‎helpful. Machinery is another big ticket item: while one may not give a tractor free, ‎mechanization pools or rental centers can ensure youth farmers can rent tractors, ‎threshers, laser levelers, etc., at affordable rates when needed. The government or ‎cooperatives can set up custom hiring centers in rural areas (some exist) – these should ‎specifically reach out to small/young farmers who can’t afford equipment otherwise. ‎Electronic Warehouse Receipt systems being implemented (where farmers can store ‎produce and get a loan receipt against it) should be promoted among youth ‎to improve their access to post-harvest finance and better prices (they can avoid forced ‎selling at low prices). In summary, a combination of financial inclusion and input ‎provision lowers the risk for youth to try farming and helps them overcome the initial ‎capital hurdle.‎
• Land Tenure Security and Legal Support: Youth who lease or sharecrop land often face ‎insecurity – a landowner could kick them off after one good harvest. Implementing or ‎reinforcing laws that protect tenant farmers and sharecroppers (e.g. guaranteeing them a ‎contract of at least 3–5 years and fair crop share) would make farming more attractive to ‎those without land. Also, simplifying registration for producer groups or cooperatives can ‎allow youth to collectively own assets or enter contracts, giving them more bargaining ‎power and scale. Providing legal literacy and support to young farmers (perhaps via rural ‎organizations) can help them navigate land records, contracts, and avoid exploitation.‎

By unlocking resources, we basically empower youth to actualize their farming ideas. When a ‎trained, enthusiastic young person has access to a few acres of land, credit lines, and good inputs, ‎they have the ingredients to succeed. Pakistan’s policies should thus aim to turn the currently ‎‎“resource-poor” young farmer into a “resource-enabled” entrepreneur. Many countries have done ‎similar initiatives (for example, Turkey and Malaysia have programs granting land and start-up ‎capital to young farmers); Pakistan can tailor such ideas to its context.‎

‎4. Enhancing the Rural Environment and Services‎

Making agriculture appealing to youth is not only about what happens on the farm, but also about ‎the quality of life in rural areas. To retain young people, villages must become places where one ‎can live a decent life, not be deprived of amenities and opportunities. This means investing in rural ‎infrastructure, services, and development so that rural youth do not feel they must move to the city ‎to enjoy modern conveniences or basic services. Key actions include:‎

• Improve Infrastructure (Roads, Electricity, Internet): Good roads connect villages to ‎markets, reduce transport costs, and also make rural life less isolating. Continued expansion ‎of farm-to-market roads and upgradation of existing rural roads is vital – so a farmer can ‎drive produce to town quickly, and youth can commute or travel easily. Electrification in ‎Pakistan’s rural areas is widespread on paper, but reliability is an issue – frequent outages ‎affect agro-processing and home life. Strengthening rural power supply (and promoting off-‎grid solar where grid is unreliable) can power water pumps, cold storage, and also ‎household needs (fans, lighting, phone charging) that improve daily life. Internet and ‎telecom connectivity is a game changer for youth. The government should push for mobile ‎broadband coverage to reach remote villages (collaborating with telecom companies, ‎possibly with subsidies or USF – Universal Service Fund – projects). If a young farmer can ‎use WhatsApp, YouTube, or Facebook from their village, they stay connected with the ‎world and can even do side gigs online. High-speed internet also enables e-learning and e-‎commerce from rural areas. A target could be set like “90% of villages on 3G/4G network ‎by 2025.” As one FAO study noted, bridging rural infrastructure gaps (roads, schools, ‎hospitals) is crucial to addressing the root causes of youth migration‎. Pakistan should integrate rural infrastructure upgrades as part of its ‎youth and agriculture strategy, not see it separately.‎
• Education and Health Services Locally: Strengthening rural schools (especially ‎secondary schools) can encourage families to stay and invest in their children’s future ‎without migrating. Many rural high schools lack science labs, good teachers, or even go up ‎to grade 10 only. Investing in quality education in rural areas – including vocational streams ‎related to agriculture in high school – will produce more skilled youth who can innovate ‎locally. Similarly, improving rural healthcare (posting doctors to union council-level ‎facilities, telemedicine options, etc.) means young families feel more secure living in ‎villages. If every tehsil has a well-functioning hospital and every village cluster has a clinic, ‎people don’t have to rush to cities for medical needs. These services also create local ‎employment (e.g. teachers, nurses) which can keep educated youth (especially women) in ‎rural communities.‎
• Rural Amenities and Youth Engagement: One often overlooked aspect is providing ‎recreational and cultural opportunities for rural youth. Small investments like setting up ‎sports facilities (cricket grounds, volleyball courts) or community centers with libraries and ‎internet access can greatly enhance rural youth’s quality of life. Youth clubs can organize ‎sports leagues, debates, skill workshops – giving young people a sense of community and ‎personal growth in their hometowns. District administrations and local governments should ‎be encouraged (and funded) to run youth programs in rural areas, just as cities have youth ‎festivals. When rural youth feel heard and see avenues for personal development locally, ‎they are less inclined to think that only a city can fulfill their aspirations. Even simple things ‎like supporting rural transport (so youth can travel to nearby town for leisure or classes and ‎return the same day) matter. Government might revive schemes like student buses for rural ‎colleges, etc.‎
• Functional Markets and Storage: From an agriculture perspective, having local produce ‎markets and storage facilities benefits farmers and can also create a bit of rural vibrancy. If a ‎young farmer knows they can easily take produce to a nearby mandi (market) and get fair ‎prices (through transparent auctions or digital market information displays), they might find ‎farming more rewarding. Additionally, if rural towns have more agro-processing units ‎‎(mills, dairy chilling centers, etc.), they offer local non-farm jobs and also strengthen the ‎linkage for farmers to sell goods. This kind of rural agro-industrial development (e.g. ‎setting up small processing plants via public-private efforts in milk surplus villages, or ‎packhouses for fruits in producing areas) keeps value addition in rural areas, creating ‎employment that can keep youth in their communities. It’s a virtuous cycle: better rural ‎infrastructure and services attract small industries, which then create jobs and improve ‎incomes, making rural life more attractive.‎
• Safety and Security: Another aspect is ensuring law and order in rural areas. Some young ‎people leave because of rural insecurity (e.g. in parts of interior Sindh or Balochistan, ‎issues of tribal conflict, crime, or feudal oppression can be acute). Strengthening policing, ‎dispute resolution mechanisms, and governance in rural areas will make them safer and ‎more welcoming for educated youth who might otherwise fear being stuck in a backwards ‎or unsafe environment.‎

In essence, narrowing the rural-urban gap in living standards is key to convincing youth that ‎they need not flee to a city to have a decent life. Rural development should be youth-centric: ask ‎what would make a young person content to live and work here? Many of the answers (internet, ‎sports, education, health, roads) are basic development goals that Pakistan has been pursuing, but ‎prioritizing them in high out-migration areas could yield direct benefits in retaining talent. When a ‎village is “livable” in a modern sense, farming there becomes a much more attractive proposition.‎

‎5. Fostering Innovation and Agripreneurship‎

Finally, to truly revitalize agriculture with the help of youth, Pakistan must create an ecosystem of ‎innovation and continuous learning in the rural sector. Young people are naturally more inclined ‎to experiment and start new ventures if given the chance. The government and private sector can ‎catalyze this by supporting agripreneurship, research, and knowledge networks that actively ‎involve youth. This pathway builds on skills and resources, but goes further to encourage ‎leadership by young innovators in agriculture:‎

• Innovation Incubators and Competitions: Establish agri-innovation incubators or ‎hubs where young entrepreneurs can develop agri-tech and agribusiness ideas. Universities ‎and provincial agriculture departments can set up incubator centers in farming regions (for ‎example, an incubator at the University of Agriculture Faisalabad, or one in partnership ‎with a chamber of commerce in Hyderabad) that provide mentorship, technical advice, and ‎even small grants to youth-led startups targeting agriculture. These startups could range ‎from mobile apps for farmers, to food processing enterprises, to farm equipment fabrication. ‎Regular innovation challenges or hackathons can be held to crowdsource ideas from ‎youth – e.g. a “Smart Farming Hackathon” inviting young techies and agri students to ‎prototype solutions for farm problems (better irrigation control, pest monitoring, etc.). ‎Winners could get seed funding or partnerships with government projects to implement ‎their solutions. Such initiatives send a message that agriculture is a dynamic field where ‎innovation is happening. Some young Pakistanis have already pioneered things like sensors ‎for soil moisture or drone spraying services; an enabling environment would multiply these. ‎The involvement of youth in R&D is crucial – research institutes should recruit young ‎scientists and also involve young farmers in on-farm trials and feedback loops.‎
• Youth Extension Corps and Knowledge Sharing: We touched on integrating youth into ‎extension as trainers, but it’s worth emphasizing the creation of a Youth Agricultural ‎Corps – a cadre of educated youth employed (even on stipend) to spread new knowledge ‎and facilitate adoption of innovations in farming communities. This could be part of a ‎national service program: agriculture graduates or passionate young farmers could devote ‎e.g. two years to work in underserved districts, disseminating techniques like laser land ‎leveling, new crop rotation, or livestock care practices. This not only helps farmers but also ‎gives those youth experience and purpose. Alongside formal extension, peer-to-peer ‎learning networks among young farmers should be fostered. Government or NGOs can ‎sponsor exchange visits – taking a group of young farmers from, say, Khyber ‎Pakhtunkhwa to Punjab’s progressive farms to learn, or vice versa. Young farmers seeing ‎innovations first-hand in another region often come back inspired to implement them. ‎Creating online forums or WhatsApp groups moderated by agronomists where young ‎farmers can ask questions and share experiences is another low-cost knowledge-sharing ‎tool.‎
• Incentives for Youth-Led Value Addition: Many rural youth could profitably engage in ‎adding value to raw farm produce if supported. For example, instead of selling milk at low ‎rates, a group of youth might start a small cheese-making unit; or instead of raw mangoes, ‎make dried mango slices for export. To encourage this, the government can provide small ‎grants or matching funds for youth agripreneurs who set up processing, packaging, or ‎direct marketing ventures. Tax breaks or reduced interest loans for agri-processing startups ‎owned by young individuals could also help. Each province could hold an annual ‎Agripreneur Summit where young innovators showcase their agri-products and connect ‎with investors/markets. This creates excitement and motivation around agri-based ‎entrepreneurship. The private sector (agribusiness firms, food companies) should also be ‎roped in to support youth – e.g. through out-grower schemes that deliberately include ‎young farmers, or contracting youth-led businesses in supply chains.‎
• Research and Development for Youth Priorities: Direct research efforts to issues that ‎matter for small/young farmers – like low-cost technologies, climate-resilient crop varieties ‎for small plots, labor-saving tools. Including youth representatives in research priority-‎setting (say, in PARC – Pakistan Agricultural Research Council – programs) can align ‎innovations with what the next generation of farmers needs. Furthermore, encouraging ‎student research projects on real farm problems can yield innovative solutions; a funding ‎stream for final-year ag students or young scientists to do on-farm research in collaboration ‎with farmers would both build capacity and solve practical issues. For instance, a group of ‎young scientists might work on an integrated pest management plan for a village’s crops ‎and demonstrate its success, building trust in science among farmers.‎
• Leveraging ICT (Information & Communication Tech): Pakistan’s youth are quite ‎adept with smartphones. Government can deploy more digital services for agriculture: SMS ‎or app-based early warning systems for weather/pests, mobile banking for transactions, e-‎marketplaces for inputs and outputs that youth can easily use. A centralized but youth-‎friendly platform – perhaps a “Digital Kissan Hub” app – could combine advisory, ‎marketing, and credit info in one. When farming integrates with tech, it naturally appeals ‎more to younger folks who enjoy using gadgets and apps. Some private startups (e.g. those ‎providing farm advisory via SMS) exist; scaling these in partnership with telecom ‎companies could give every young farmer a “tech toolbox” in their hand.‎
• Aligning Policy and Institutions to Include Youth: Ultimately, institutional support must ‎endure. Ministries of agriculture (federal and provincial) should institutionalize youth focus ‎‎– maybe a dedicated Youth in Agriculture unit that coordinates all these initiatives and ‎tracks progress. Youth should also have a seat at the table in policy formulation. For ‎example, involving young farmer representatives in the Agricultural Credit Advisory ‎Committee or in commodity boards would ensure their perspectives inform decisions (the ‎SBP has started focusing on underserved areas via Champion Banks‎; similarly, focus on underserved demographics like youth could be ‎sharpened). International agencies like FAO and IFAD are keen to support youth ‎empowerment in agriculture; Pakistan can leverage their expertise and funds by aligning ‎local initiatives with global programs. In fact, FAO’s evaluation noted that FAO Pakistan ‎had not yet had a strong programmatic focus on youth engagement ‎‎– a gap that can be rectified by new collaborative projects targeting rural youth ‎employment.‎

In summary, fostering innovation means making agriculture exciting and dynamic – something ‎young minds can find challenge and reward in. When youths see that they can be creators and ‎leaders in this field – invent a tool, start a brand, solve a local problem – it imbues farming with a ‎sense of purpose beyond just tilling the land. Pakistan’s youth are brimming with ideas and energy; ‎channelling even a fraction of that into agricultural innovation could unleash a new era of growth. ‎As one commentary put it, small-scale agriculture can be “ecologically rational, socially just, and ‎capable of absorbing unemployed youth” – but only if we make it a hub of creativity ‎and opportunity, not drudgery.‎

Conclusion

Pakistan stands at a critical crossroads in terms of demographics and development. The nation’s ‎youth bulge – millions of young people aspiring for a better life – can either become a ‎demographic dividend or a source of social strain. At the same time, agriculture – the age-old ‎backbone of the economy – is in need of rejuvenation and innovation. The convergence of these ‎challenges actually presents a powerful opportunity: engage the youth to transform agriculture, ‎and in doing so, secure both their futures and the country’s food future. This policy ‎commentary has outlined how and why Pakistan must act with urgency to make farming and ‎agribusiness attractive to its educated youth.‎

To recapitulate, the current trajectory of youth migrating away from farms is unsustainable. It is ‎leaving behind an ageing agricultural workforce, causing labor shortages in villages, and ‎threatening to stagnate productivity at a time when we need to increase food production. If nothing ‎is done, Pakistan risks greater food insecurity, heavier reliance on imports, and deeper rural poverty ‎and inequality. Conversely, if even a portion of young Pakistanis can be productively absorbed into ‎agriculture, it would inject much-needed energy, ideas, and labor into the sector. It would help ‎ensure that as older farmers retire, a new generation is ready to take the reins – armed with better ‎education and technology than ever before.‎

The solutions span multiple domains, but they are interlinked. Changing mindsets is the first step ‎‎– convincing young people that farming can be “cool” and respected, and convincing society to ‎value farmers. From school classrooms to TV screens, the narrative must shift to celebrating the ‎farmer as a national hero (after all, without farmers, there is no food security). Next, equipping ‎youth with skills through revamped education and training will give them the confidence and ‎competence to try modern farming – whether it’s precision agriculture or agribusiness management. ‎Then, opening up access to land and finance will remove the practical barriers that currently ‎keep willing youth from starting up in agriculture. We must ensure that lack of collateral or land ‎does not kill the dreams of an aspiring young farmer – measures like youth land leasing, credit ‎guarantees, and input subsidies are critical in this regard. Parallel to this, investing in rural ‎infrastructure and services will make villages liveable and vibrant, so that educated youth do not ‎feel compelled to flee to cities for every need. And finally, by fostering a culture of innovation in ‎agriculture, we make it intellectually and financially rewarding for youth – allowing them to be ‎creators of new solutions, not just labourers following old ways.‎

None of these paths is easy; they require political will, funding, and coordination across ministries ‎and sectors. But the payoff can be immense. Engaging youth in agriculture is essentially a win-win ‎strategy: it fights youth unemployment by creating jobs in farming and its value chains, and it ‎boosts agricultural development by filling it with energetic human capital. It also addresses rural-‎urban imbalance by channeling investment and attention to rural areas. Importantly, it gives youth a ‎stake in the country’s future – rather than feeling neglected and looking to go abroad, they can ‎become stakeholders in Pakistan’s progress, as owners of enterprises and stewards of the land.‎

All stakeholders have a role to play. The government must lead with clear policies (as outlined) ‎and sufficient resource allocation – for example, funding agricultural vocational programs, ‎subsidizing youth credit, and improving rural amenities are public sector responsibilities. The ‎private sector and banks need to step up in partnering on financing, market linkages, and ‎mentorship – their future consumer base and supply chains depend on a thriving rural economy. ‎Educational and research institutions should embrace outreach and tailor their programs to ‎practical needs of rural youth. Development partners like FAO, IFAD, World Bank, etc., can ‎provide technical support and funding for pilot initiatives (they have global experience on youth-in-‎agriculture programs that can be localized). Crucially, the youth themselves must be engaged as ‎active participants, not passive beneficiaries. Forming youth farmer cooperatives, youth ‎advisory councils, or using social media to get feedback from young farmers on what they need ‎can ensure that interventions hit the mark. As the saying goes, “Nothing for youth without youth.”‎

Time is of the essence. The window of demographic dividend – where the youth population is ‎highest relative to dependents – is open now but won’t last forever. The longer we wait to involve ‎youth in agriculture, the more knowledge and capacity is lost in the transition from one generation ‎to the next. We are already seeing the early warning signs, but we also see inspiring sparks: young ‎Pakistanis launching agritech startups, returning to ancestral villages with new ideas, and ‎demanding policy attention for farming communities. These sparks need to be turned into a flame ‎of renaissance in Pakistani agriculture.‎

In conclusion, the call to action is clear: Pakistan must prioritize policies that reconnect its ‎youth with the soil. By doing so, it will not only revitalize a stagnant agricultural sector but also ‎provide meaningful employment to millions and strengthen national food security. The challenge is ‎great, but so is the prize – a self-reliant, food-secure Pakistan with empowered youth at the helm of ‎a growing rural economy. As one young farmer passionately noted, “Farming is our culture”‎ – it is up to us to ensure that this culture is not lost, but rather transformed and carried ‎forward by the next generation with pride and prosperity. The urgency is real, and the time to act is ‎now. Each stakeholder – government, private sector, academia, communities, and youth – must ‎come together to sow the seeds for a brighter future where Pakistan’s youth and agriculture grow ‎together. The harvest of that collective effort will be reaped for decades to come, in the form of ‎food security, social stability, and shared prosperity for Pakistan.‎